After noticing that recent archaeological research has found evidence that women in pre-history were probably hunters, the authors use the ethnographic record from 63 foraging populations to explore the role of women in hunting. They explore what proportion of societies expect women to contribute to hunting, if women hunt, what proportion was opportunistic or intentional, whether women hunters were skilled, and whether women hunted with children.

Using phylogenetic comparative methods, the study explores the evolution of kinship terminologies within 176 societies in Austronesian, Bantu, and Uto-Aztecan language families. The authors consider 18 theories in the anthropological record that suggests that change in kinship terminologies is predicted by some social structures: marriage, residence, and descent. Only 19 of the 29 statistical hypotheses are supported, while none of the theories are supported in all three language families. This statistical irregularity means that the results are lineage-specific, instead of showing a universal driver of change in kinship terminology types.

The authors critique Anderson et al. (2023) article, "The Myth of Man the Hunter: Women’s contribution to the hunt across ethnographic contexts." The latter article is an ethnographic study showing that women hunt in 79% of foraging societies in their sample. The aim was to demystify the idea that only men have had a role in hunting and to question the stereotypes of labor. Venkataraman et al. (2024) critiqued Anderson et al.'s statements, as empirical evidence shows the existence of gendered divisions among hunter-gatherers. To test its veracity, they reproduced the original study, finding sample selection bias and coding errors. Lastly, they agree with Anderson et al.'s intention to dispel the false notion that forager women are unable to hunt, but they emphasize the existence of gendered divisions of labor in the ethnographic record.

This study examined possible relationships between food sharing practices, subsistence strategies, and various environmental settings using 22 small-scale societies across America and Siberia. After performing exploratory analyses between each of the 21 socio-economic variables and the 14 basic sharing practices, which amounted to a total of 294 tests, the researchers found hardly any statistically significant relationships.

Dozens of reasons have been proposed for the emergence of professional religious specialists in human history with little general consensus. Creating a global dataset of hunter-gatherers and using a novel method of exploratory phylogenetic path analysis, this study systematically identifies factors associated with the emergence of religious specialists. Results regarding existential insecurity were generally not supported. This study emphasizes the role of food storage as one of the only significant factors despite that it has been largely overlooked in the literature and theories. The results also highlight the need for more in-depth directional dependencies to better illustrate this evolution.

Researchers examined kinships terminology systems for explanations regarding specifically observed typology of kin terms for cousins cross-culturally. They explore two theories, the first relating to population size via bottleneck evolution, and the second relating to social practices that shape kinship systems. Using the Ethnographic Atlas within D-PLACE, 936 societies with kinship system information were studied. The findings did not suggest a relationship between increased community size and a decrease in kinship complexity, however the research does suggest a relationship between practices of marriage and descent and kinship complexity.

This dissertation asks whether Ellen Dissanayyake’s evolutionary theories of art can be empirically tested across cultures. Multiple studies were conducted and used in this dissertation to empirically support Dissanayake’s theory—that art unites communities by directing shared attention. Cross-cultural statistical analysis and phylogenetic methods were used on data collected from the eHRAF World Culture that were also in the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample, and the findings were able to support Dissanayake’s theory in one analysis but yield less conclusive results in another, highlighting methodological limits. The previous results were also redone, taking phylogeny into account, as well as using a regional sample from the WNAI, looking at major public ceremonies, which has a supportive result in the end.

This article explores whether the practice of cousin marriage helps explain the persistence of honor cultures and honor killings. The authors have hypothesized that cousin marriage can create kin benefits but also parent–offspring conflict, leading to the evolution of honor norms and punitive practices to enforce cousin marriages. Using genomic inbreeding coefficients as a proxy for historical cousin marriage across 52 ethnic groups, these practices are likely to enforce these marriages across regions within countries. The conclusion is that honor cultures may be rooted in kinship dynamics, particularly conflicts surrounding consanguineous marriage. Authors do raise evolutionary puzzle of why female victims are harmed by blood kin.

Lullabies are often touted as universal to all human cultures, regardless of time and place. In order to test this axiom, this article examines all 186 societies in the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample, and codes them for the presence or absence of lullabies. The result ultimately hinges on the meaning of the word “lullaby”: when lullabies were defined as a strict and culturally conserved repertoire of songs sung to soothe infants, they were found to be neither a statistical nor even a “near” universal. However, when lullabies were defined as any type of singing used to soothe children, they were a near universal, with 96.8% of societies in the sample coded as having lullabies.

This paper seeks to identify how different practices of food sharing are related to one another, and the degree to which societies in North and South America may share practices with one another. The authors attempt this by using ethnographic literature to break sharing activities down into their constituent, multi-stage parts, and then comparing the prevalence of these parts and their relationships to one another. The study finds that the presence or absence of a distributor in a sharing activity, and who that distributor is, has a significant effect on how sharing is carried out. On the other hand, linguistic relationships between groups seem to have little impact on their sharing practices, and geographic proximity between groups only seems to have a significant effect on sharing practices in North America.