This article examines the relationships between game types (physical, strategy, and chance) and social, religious, and geographic variables. Hypotheses are supported.

This study replicates the study of games conducted by Roberts, Arth and Bush (1959) using new data. Findings support the results of the original study, suggesting that games of strategy are related to social complexity and games of chance are related to games of physical skill.

This study relates the type of games present in a society to the level of cultural complexity. Authors use a "game-type combination scale" that categorizes societies as having: 1) games of physical skill only; 2) games of physical skill and games of chance; and 3) games of physical skill, games of chance, and games of strategy. Results show a relationship between the game-type combination scale and indicators of cultural complexity.

This chapter investigates correlates of competitive adolescent games, focusing on societal and family characteristics as well as socialization variables and personality traits. Data suggest that games meant to encourage competitiveness will be more common for boys than for girls. Competitive games are also statistically associated with low societal and technological complexity, small and monogamous family organization, less physical contact and comfort in infant socialization, less integration in adult activities, and various personality traits.

Authors investigate the cross-cultural correlates of games of chance. They advance a "conflict-enculturation" model to explain why individuals choose to engage in games of chance in particular (as opposed to games of strategy or physical skill). They suggest that games of chance are linked to cultures with antecedent conflict and/or feelings of powerlessness in the presence of uncertainty; both are psychological stressors whose effects may be assuaged by play with uncertainty models in the form of games of chance.

The article discusses the role of toys and tools in the development of skills and cultural transmission in hunter-gatherer societies. The authors present a cross-cultural inventory of objects made for and by hunter-gatherer children and adolescents, finding that toys and tools were primarily handled outside of explicit pedagogical contexts, and there is little evidence for formalised apprenticeships. The authors suggest that children's self-directed interactions with objects, especially during play, have a critical role in early-age enskillment. Both boys and girls tend to use objects in work and play that emulate the gendered division of labor in their communities, and many objects made by and for children had full-scale counterparts. Finally, the authors argue that the peer group is crucial to skill acquisition in hunter-gatherer societies.

This article uses factor analysis to identify the key variables underlying the many cross-cultural associations reported by Textor (1967). Twelve factors are identified.

This study builds on a previous study of games by Roberts, Arth and Bush (1959) and offers a conflict interpretation of game involvement. Several significant relationships are observed between game type and child training variables.

The article investigates whether more socially restrictive societies provide more outlets for aggression. These authors operationalized restrictiveness with the presence of sorcery and unilineal kinship structure; the two outlets for aggression examined were occurrence of warfare and games of physical skill. Results suggest an association between these variables, though unilineal kinship structure was the better predictor of the existence of warfare.

This study analyzes the relationship between game complexity and sociocultural complexity. Significant relationships were found between several aspects of complexity and game complexity.