This article investigates the degree of political centralization in pre-industrial and the political competitive outcomes in 15 modern-day Sub-Sahara African countries. The authors first report that pre-colonial centralization decreases political competitiveness in modern day countries, advocating that traditional power structures play a role in modern day politics. The authors then use light-density as a proxy for regional development and test developmental outcomes based on political centralization and competitiveness. They report pre-colonial centralization positively affected regional development and suggest this could be due to more centralized institutions increasing the capacity of chiefs to mobilize voters, in turn lowering political competition and increasing the accountability of elected officials. Many controls are introduced.

This article investigates the degree of political centralization in pre-industrial and the political competitive outcomes in 15 modern-day Sub-Sahara African countries. The authors first report that pre-colonial centralization decreases political competitiveness in modern day countries, advocating that traditional power structures play a role in modern day politics. The authors then use light-density as a proxy for regional development and test developmental outcomes based on political centralization and competitiveness. They report pre-colonial centralization positively affected regional development and suggest this could be due to more centralized institutions increasing the capacity of chiefs to mobilize voters, in turn lowering political competition and increasing the accountability of elected officials. Many controls are introduced.

The researchers test the relationship between political complexity among African pre-colonial ethnic institutions and contemporary economic performance (using light-density data as a proxy). Their tests yield a robust positive association even after controlling for multiple alternative geographic, cultural, and economic variables, which they interpret as underscoring the ongoing importance of ethnic-specific institutions in shaping economic activity in contemporary Africa.

In this study, the authors empirically assess the relationship between precolonial centralization and the implementation of modernization programs by African governments. Their findings indicate that current African countries tend to have better provisioning of public goods (including better access to education, healthcare, and infrastructure) when their ethnic groups' precolonial institutions were more centralized.

From 1600 to 1900, the ratio of men to women enslaved and exported in the African slave trade was roughly 181:100 – in other words, nearly two men were enslaved for every woman. It has long been theorized that this historical disparity continues to affect Africa’s cultural and political systems. In this article, the authors examine the impact of temporary gender imbalances caused by the slave trade on female political participation in modern African nation-states. They find that female political participation (measured using national voting records from 2011–2018) is higher in parts of Africa that lost a greater number of individuals to the slave trade, but only among non-patrilineal ethnic groups.

From 1600 to 1900, the ratio of men to women enslaved and exported in the African slave trade was roughly 181:100 – in other words, nearly two men were enslaved for every woman. It has long been theorized that this historical disparity continues to affect Africa’s cultural and political systems. In this article, the authors examine the impact of temporary gender imbalances caused by the slave trade on female political participation in modern African nation-states. They find that female political participation (measured using national voting records from 2011–2018) is higher in parts of Africa that lost a greater number of individuals to the slave trade, but only among non-patrilineal ethnic groups.

From 1600 to 1900, the ratio of men to women enslaved and exported in the African slave trade was roughly 181:100 – in other words, nearly two men were enslaved for every woman. It has long been theorized that this historical disparity continues to affect Africa’s cultural and political systems. In this article, the authors examine the impact of temporary gender imbalances caused by the slave trade on female political participation in modern African nation-states. They find that female political participation (measured using national voting records from 2011–2018) is higher in parts of Africa that lost a greater number of individuals to the slave trade, but only among non-patrilineal ethnic groups.

From 1600 to 1900, the ratio of men to women enslaved and exported in the African slave trade was roughly 181:100 – in other words, nearly two men were enslaved for every woman. It has long been theorized that this historical disparity continues to affect Africa’s cultural and political systems. In this article, the authors examine the impact of temporary gender imbalances caused by the slave trade on female political participation in modern African nation-states. They find that female political participation (measured using national voting records from 2011–2018) is higher in parts of Africa that lost a greater number of individuals to the slave trade, but only among non-patrilineal ethnic groups.

This article investigates commonly accepted theories that purport to explain political centralization and investigate their relevance to sub-Saharan Africa. The leading ideas for the formation of political centralization using a worldwide sample include population density, inter-state warfare, and trade. However, the authors reported these factors are not predictive of the sub-Saharan Africa sample. The authors suggest that the lack of agricultural productivity in sub-Saharan Africa may have stunted population density therefore inhibiting political centralization and that Africa’s poor economic performance is, in part, due to lack of political centralization.

This article investigates commonly accepted theories that purport to explain political centralization and investigate their relevance to sub-Saharan Africa. The leading ideas for the formation of political centralization using a worldwide sample include population density, inter-state warfare, and trade. However, the authors reported these factors are not predictive of the sub-Saharan Africa sample. The authors suggest that the lack of agricultural productivity in sub-Saharan Africa may have stunted population density therefore inhibiting political centralization and that Africa’s poor economic performance is, in part, due to lack of political centralization.