Using frequentist and Bayesian multi-level models in a sample of two international samples, the authors test whether there are significant sex differences in moral judgments across a large-scale examination of countries. They compare men and women using the five components of the Moral Foundations Theory: 1) care, (2) fairness, (3) loyalty, (4) authority, and (5) purity. In addition, they study the differences when considering socioeconomic and gender-equality status. The results partially support the presence of significant sex differences. While care, fairness, and purity were consistently higher for women; loyalty and authority were highly variable. The study also shows that there are larger sex differences in moral judgments across more individualist, WEIRD, and gender-equal societies.

Using frequentist and Bayesian multi-level models in a sample of two international samples, the authors test whether there are significant sex differences in moral judgments across a large-scale examination of countries. They compare men and women using the five components of the Moral Foundations Theory: 1) care, (2) fairness, (3) loyalty, (4) authority, and (5) purity. In addition, they study the differences when considering socioeconomic and gender-equality status. The results partially support the presence of significant sex differences. While care, fairness, and purity were consistently higher for women; loyalty and authority were highly variable. The study also shows that there are larger sex differences in moral judgments across more individualist, WEIRD, and gender-equal societies.

Using frequentist and Bayesian multi-level models in a sample of two international samples, the authors test whether there are significant sex differences in moral judgments across a large-scale examination of countries. They compare men and women using the five components of the Moral Foundations Theory: 1) care, (2) fairness, (3) loyalty, (4) authority, and (5) purity. In addition, they study the differences when considering socioeconomic and gender-equality status. The results partially support the presence of significant sex differences. While care, fairness, and purity were consistently higher for women; loyalty and authority were highly variable. The study also shows that there are larger sex differences in moral judgments across more individualist, WEIRD, and gender-equal societies.

Using frequentist and Bayesian multi-level models in a sample of two international samples, the authors test whether there are significant sex differences in moral judgments across a large-scale examination of countries. They compare men and women using the five components of the Moral Foundations Theory: 1) care, (2) fairness, (3) loyalty, (4) authority, and (5) purity. In addition, they study the differences when considering socioeconomic and gender-equality status. The results partially support the presence of significant sex differences. While care, fairness, and purity were consistently higher for women; loyalty and authority were highly variable. The study also shows that there are larger sex differences in moral judgments across more individualist, WEIRD, and gender-equal societies.

The article discusses the role of gender in within-society variation in cooperative behavior, and whether gender differences in cooperation emerge similarly across diverse societies. The authors use cross-cultural datasets of 4- to 15-year-old children's preferences for equality in experimental tasks measuring prosociality and fairness to investigate these questions. They find that gender has little impact on the development of prosociality and fairness within the datasets, and there is not much evidence for substantial societal variation in gender differences. The authors discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the nature and origin of gender differences in cooperation and for future research.

The article discusses the role of gender in within-society variation in cooperative behavior, and whether gender differences in cooperation emerge similarly across diverse societies. The authors use cross-cultural datasets of 4- to 15-year-old children's preferences for equality in experimental tasks measuring prosociality and fairness to investigate these questions. They find that gender has little impact on the development of prosociality and fairness within the datasets, and there is not much evidence for substantial societal variation in gender differences. The authors discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the nature and origin of gender differences in cooperation and for future research.

In this study, the authors inspect the relationship between religion, morality, and cooperation by examining the extent to which people associate their deities with moral concern. Using data from 2,228 individuals in 15 different field sites, they find that on average, people tend to ascribe at least some moral concern to their deities, and this effect is stable even after controlling for the influence of explicitly moralistic deities that these societies also worship. The authors also find that ratings of moral concern are not necessarily very high, even for deities that are typically considered to be moralistic, and that there is individual-level variation in the degree of moral concern attributed to deities. In addition, there is an individual-level correlation between how morally interested two selected deities are conceived to be and that being male or more educated decreases the likelihood of associating deities with moral concern. These findings challenge the longstanding belief that belief in moralistic deities is unique to certain societies or religions and instead suggest that the association between deities and moral concern is more widespread and variable, and suggest that the moral character of gods may be tied to cooperation within societies.

In this study, the authors inspect the relationship between religion, morality, and cooperation by examining the extent to which people associate their deities with moral concern. Using data from 2,228 individuals in 15 different field sites, they find that on average, people tend to ascribe at least some moral concern to their deities, and this effect is stable even after controlling for the influence of explicitly moralistic deities that these societies also worship. The authors also find that ratings of moral concern are not necessarily very high, even for deities that are typically considered to be moralistic, and that there is individual-level variation in the degree of moral concern attributed to deities. In addition, there is an individual-level correlation between how morally interested two selected deities are conceived to be and that being male or more educated decreases the likelihood of associating deities with moral concern. These findings challenge the longstanding belief that belief in moralistic deities is unique to certain societies or religions and instead suggest that the association between deities and moral concern is more widespread and variable, and suggest that the moral character of gods may be tied to cooperation within societies.

In this study, the authors inspect the relationship between religion, morality, and cooperation by examining the extent to which people associate their deities with moral concern. Using data from 2,228 individuals in 15 different field sites, they find that on average, people tend to ascribe at least some moral concern to their deities, and this effect is stable even after controlling for the influence of explicitly moralistic deities that these societies also worship. The authors also find that ratings of moral concern are not necessarily very high, even for deities that are typically considered to be moralistic, and that there is individual-level variation in the degree of moral concern attributed to deities. In addition, there is an individual-level correlation between how morally interested two selected deities are conceived to be and that being male or more educated decreases the likelihood of associating deities with moral concern. These findings challenge the longstanding belief that belief in moralistic deities is unique to certain societies or religions and instead suggest that the association between deities and moral concern is more widespread and variable, and suggest that the moral character of gods may be tied to cooperation within societies.

In this study, the authors inspect the relationship between religion, morality, and cooperation by examining the extent to which people associate their deities with moral concern. Using data from 2,228 individuals in 15 different field sites, they find that on average, people tend to ascribe at least some moral concern to their deities, and this effect is stable even after controlling for the influence of explicitly moralistic deities that these societies also worship. The authors also find that ratings of moral concern are not necessarily very high, even for deities that are typically considered to be moralistic, and that there is individual-level variation in the degree of moral concern attributed to deities. In addition, there is an individual-level correlation between how morally interested two selected deities are conceived to be and that being male or more educated decreases the likelihood of associating deities with moral concern. These findings challenge the longstanding belief that belief in moralistic deities is unique to certain societies or religions and instead suggest that the association between deities and moral concern is more widespread and variable, and suggest that the moral character of gods may be tied to cooperation within societies.